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Printed by Rosswaag's 

STUTVESANT FMESS 
57 2nd Ave., New York 



Of this edition there were printed and specially 

illustrated but One Hundred and Fifty copies, and 

this book is Number .... 



NAPOLEON I. 



Copyright 1908 by Victor von Kubinyi 



AN INTIMATE VIEW OF NAPOLEON 




Gerard: BONAPARTE, FIRST CONSUL 
Mnsee de Versailles. 



^Y^-a^LefU-fs^'"* X 



HIS LIFE, HISTORY, AND CHARACTER 
IN A NUTSHELL 



A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 



By 



Victor von Kubinyi 
Author of "THE KING OF ROME' 



New York, 1911 









//M/>, 



PREFACE 




n spite of the niauiiy books already 
written upon J«JA?PLEpN BONA^ 
PARTE, I do not hesitate to offej 
this contribution; not only becauag 
it is an introduction to a more el-, 
aborate life of the first French Emr 
peror, but mainly because it is a book that has 
serious claims upon public ip.terest. In a plair*, 
succinct, though picturesque planner, I am giving 
some new chapters in Napoleot^'s life. I refer in 
particular to the account of his early literary effort^, 
his economical habits, and his career as a businesi^ 
man. Indeed, I claim that foiir of my chapters 
cover new fields never before enitered by the histori- 
an. These chapters are base^ upon authenti^i 



XI 



documents of no little historical value, which, how- 
ever, I am not allowed to print at this time. More 
than this, a number of Napoleonic views, never 
before printed, will be found scattered through the 
pages. 

Nearly a century has passed since Napoleon 
died on the rock of St. Helena, and I dare to state 
boldly that this period has not been long enough 
for us to realize the stature of that giant. When 
standing before some very high edifice, one will 
have to move backwards in order to get a correct 
view of it; and the higher the edifice, the farther 
back one must move to see it all and to secure the 
fullest effect of the view. 

Undoubtedly, there is a growing interest in 
Napoleon, of whom Mr. Edwin Markham, our cele- 
brated poet, says: "Napoleon is one of the greatest 
minds in all centuries. His face bore a singular 
likeness to the old heroic types of Greece and Rome 

the face of one fitted to lead in some drama 

of revolution. In his character v/as a strange ming- 
ling of caution and daring. 

"In his young manhood, Napoleon was touch- 
ed by a spiritual ray, was stirred by a desire to join 
the awakening forces of liberty and humanity. He 
dreamed of organizing the free federation of the 
world! To his gigantic mission he was appointed 



XII 



by Divine Destiny. But in the crisis hour he yielded 
to the whisper of selflove, and so betrayed Heav- 
en and the human race. He failed to subordinate 
his selfish ambition to the sacred cause of the 

people a renunciation that is ever the test of 

the nobly great. He yielded to the dream ol a 
colossal despotism, and so betrayed the divine hope 
of the world." 




AUTUN 




Jarlo Bonaparte, the first French Emper- 
or's father, was a poor spendthrift; to be 
Sure, he was a lawyer enjoying a. large 
clientele but he spent all his money in 
playing cards, and had nothing left but his, 
thirteen children. Apparently he did not 
care much for his family ; however, he had an eye for the 
future and was anxious to secure his sons a good educat- 
ion in order to make them help in the support of the 
family. As he spent all he earned, he thought somebody 
else should bear the expense of his sons' education. 

Being a man very v/ell known all around Ajac- 
cio, the capital of Corsica, he could easely enough ar- 
range to make the acqaintance of Count Marbeuf, the 



French Governor of that island; and this acquaintance, 
owing to his diplomacy, soon grew into friendship. When 
in 1778 a delegation of Corsican noblemen was sent to 
King Louis XVI at Versailles, Carlo Bonaparte was one 
of the envoyees, and later on he knew how to preserve 
his friendship with Count Marbeuf, though he was one of 
the political leaders' of the Corsicana, being always bound 
to agree with his fellow countrymen's dislike of the 
French government. When in 1778 his son, Louis was 
born, he knew how to arrange that Marbeuf should be 
his son's godfather, without disturbing in the least the 
harmony always existing between him and the Corsicans. 
Carlo Bonaparte was anxious to become a close friend of 
Marbeuf, not however, caring so much for sentiment, but 
rather considering this 'friendship' as a means of securing 
the Governor's political influence for his own purposes. 
Count Marbeuf, being one of the weak - willed French 
noblemen of his day, was won over by Carlo's flatteries, 
and when approached by the latter with the request to 
secure for one of his boys free entry into one of the many 
French Royal school's, the Count promised him to do all 
he could ; and as he could do something, they selected the 
Military School at Autun, of which Marbeuf's cousin was 
the principal. Carlo was well satisfied with that priv- 
ilege given to two of his sons ; for he knew it woul be 
easy enough to enter them later in the military academy 
at Brienne. 

On the 15th of December 1778 Carlo took his 



two oldest sons, Joseph and Napoleon, to Autim, where 
owing to Marbeuf's intervention, they were immediately 
enrolled in the military school of that place. This meant 
for Carlo an entirely free education for two of his many 
children. He intended to let them both become officers 
of the French Royal Army ; but failed with Joseph, who 
proved himself absolutely unfit for the military career. 
Napoleon, on the contrary, got used very soon to his new 
surroundings and owing to his remarkable cleverness, 
after a comparatively very short time, became the 'head- 
liner' of the Autun School. 

When Napoleon entered the school, he could 
not speak a word of French, but after a stay of only three 
months he spoke as fluently as any of his French school- 
mates. He kept himself busy with serious things, and 
did not cultivate -the company of his schoolmates. He 
was a poor boy, among children of the rich nobility, and 
they teased him; so whenever he could, he avoided as- 
sotiation with theSm; if they had to meet, they quarrelled. 
Owing to his Corsican accent, he was called by several 
nicknames, "Napaullione and "Paille-au-nez" ('straw- 
nose'), and whenever he joinedi their plays, the party 
ended with a score of 'black eyes'. 

It is a most remarkable fact, that while the other 
boys did not think even of their families, Napoleon re- 
membered his parents fondly and also kept a watchful 
eye upon everything going on about him. A poor boy 



among rich ones, he was anxious to show them that in 
spite of his poverty he was 'a boy who could stand among 
boys'. He read everything he could get at and retained all 
he read. The little boy knew already much of his coun- 
try's past and present political situation and was very 
much interested in everthing concerning Corsica and its 
bitter fight with France. He was proud of his Corsican 
descent and he boldly called Paoli, the leader of the Cor- 
sican Revolution, the benefactor and saviour of his native 
country. One day one of his teachers. Father Chardon, 
while talking of the history of Corsica, made an unfavor- 
able remark about the said Paoli. Little Napoleon grow- 
ing indignant was asked by the teacher why he got so 
excited and he emphatically replied, "'You should not talk 
in that way of Paoli, for he is a fine fellow, and I would 
be only too proud to become his counterpart sometime". 

He, in the early years at Autun, gave various 
evidences of his peculiar character. Father Chardon 
noticed very soon the difference between Napoleon and 
the other pupils and became so much interestd in the 
little Corsican, that he kept a regular diary concerning 
that remarkable boy. In 1823 after Napoleon's down- 
fall, Father Chardon wrote a letter to Forrin, another 
priest, in which he made the following characteristic 
remarks concerning their former pupil : "I knew him very 
\vell, and, though I could not have even the slightest 
idea of his ever becoming the ruler of the whole of 
Europe, I always thought, he would one day attract 



much attention He was as peculiar a boy as he could 
be. I do not remember having ever seen him smile ; he 
was peevish, did not like his schoolmates and did not 
mingle with them. As far as his intelligence was con- 
cerned, he was my best pupil. During the lessons he 
always looked me straight in the face and did not miss 
s word I said. I very often used to recapitulate my lec- 
tures for a better understanding's sake ; and when doing 
so I always noticed Napoleon's distraction. Once I 
could not refrain from telling him, he should attend even 
to these repetitions; when apparently growing impa- 
tient he abruptly replied, 1 do not care, for I know it 
already'. In contrast to Napoleon's willfulness, even 
roughness, his brother Joseph was very polite and 
gentle". — 




FIRST LITERARY ATTEMPTS 




rom Autun, Napoleon was sent to Brien- 
ne, and finally to the military academy 
at Paris ('Compagnie des cadets gentil- 
hommes etablis en I'ecole Royale et en- 
tretenus du Roi'), this being the highest 
military school maintained by the French 
King and established especially and exclusively for the 
descendants of ancient nobility. There Napoleon caused 
his teachers much annoyance. Being anxious to know 
everything, he very often embarrassed his professors 
with such peculiar questions, that they had begun to dread 
his inquiries. He did not like his comrades at Autun 
nor Brienne, but now he practically hated everybody 
but De Mazis, his only fellow-countryman. He was un 
able to understand for what reason he, the poor boy, was 



8 



brought among the descendants of the proud and rich 
Royal Nobility. He grew exceedingly severe and his 
only comfort was that he could often meet his favorite 
sister, Eliza, who was studying at the Sanit-Cyr Royal 
College. 

He noticed what was going on around him and 
nothing could escape his sharp sight. But, the more he 
saw, the more dissatisfied he grew. He kept wond- 
ering how young men brought up in luxury could ever 
become good soldiers, and the ridiculous pride of his 
schoolmates, dividing themselves according to the higher 
or lower rank of their parents into exclusive parties, 
made him simply furious. The many sinecures among 
the professors and other employees of the Academy 
naturally did not smoothe his bad humor. Because he 
was classified in the 'lower party' and in spite of his 
remarkable cleverness, his schoolmates hardly took any 
notice of him. 

Just for a pastime he kept a regular diary, 
which has become a very important historical document. 
There we note the following remarkable sentence: "I 
think it would be much more proper if these young men 
would be brought up in a really military way, willing 
and satisfied to eat rye-bread and to clean their clothes 
and boots themselves, instead of living like idle gentle- 
men, fed with most extravagant food and surrounded by 
a score of stupid valets". 

Napoleon was a boy of fifteen when his father 



died, (Feb, 24, 1784) and owing to his sturdy independ- 
ence he got along without any help. He inherited his 
mother's, (Letizia's) profound piety, though he had some 
leaning towards the atheism of his father. He knew 
very well that his father died without having seen a 
priest and he did not blame him for having refused his 
cousin. Canon Fesch, who wished to provide him with 
the last sacraments. This shows us that young Napole- 
on was vacillating between the fanatic piety of a Corsican 
and mere atheism. He was deeply touched by his father's 
death, whom he loved sincerely though he did not greatly 
respect him. After the first touch of grief and sorrow he 
wrote to his mother as follows: "Time has already in 
part soothed my sorrow. I felt that event must soon 
occur ; therefore dear Mama, I pray, do not cry too much". 
While Carlo's widow, Letizia, surrounded by 
four of her children, Louis, Paula, Caroline and Jerome, 
was living at Corsica in poverty, Joseph and Lucian 
were at the Brienne military school, Eliza at Saint- 
Cyr and Napoleon was eagerly aquiring military 
knov/ledge. He actually devoured the contents of his 
favorite book "The History of Corsica" and Rousseau'3 
writings. No wonder he did not think much of the 
^Society' of his day and grew more and more excited over 
the selfish and vain spirit which pervaded his surround- 
ings. The boy of fifteen undertook a very remarkable 
task in writing a serious study concerning pedagogy 
entitled "Remarks Concerning Education in the French 

10 




Cit ■" 

W - 
Q 



military schools" ('Memoires sur Teducation dans leu 
ecoles militaires de la France"). He dedicated his work 
to none less than the Secretary of War, being sure of thus 
making a 'hit' with it. He felt his work would need 
an expert proof-reader, so he sent the manuscript to 
Father Breton, his former teacher at Brienne, who in ans- 
wer persuaded the young author to set aside his work 
at least for a while. Later on, when general, and then 
Emperor, he ceased to care for his first literary ettempt, 
which was never put into book form. 

But for quite a while he could not forget this 
failure, and he grew once more anxious to learn as much 
as possible. He was exceedingly diligent in picking up 
everything he could get at, but he hated to learn 'by 
heart', as he knew he could retain everything he once 
understood, and was too likely to think he could under- 
stand everjrthing, 

' During his anxious preparation for the 

lieutenantship he found time to make a new attempt at lit- 
erature. Taking notice of the fact, that the Academy of 
Lyons offered a prize of one thousand two hundred francs 
for the most elaborate essay on the topic ''To state the 
main principles for gaining real and true happiness", he 
immediately began writing, confident of winning success 
and the money too. It should be stated as a matter of 
fact that he never cared for money, but he felt proud 
just at the thought of showing his comrades he cotild 

11 



'earn' what they had only inherited. His essay was 
based upon the following principles: "The greatest hap- 
piness must be to recognize and to enjoy all the beauties 
of nature and to live in the midst of a loving family. 
There are many different means to gain this happiness. 
In the first place there is virtue, which encourages and 
strenghtens the character, though energy and intellect 
ere to be considered the main things. The strenghtened 
character gets used to fight for only good and noble 
purposes, while the weakened becomes absolutely unable 
to perform anything worth while'. 

He wrote his essay with all his fervent zeal and 
enthusiasm and as soon as he finished copying it (this 
might have been the hardest part of his work as he wrote 
a wretched hand) he immediately sent the neatly wrap- 
ped package to the Acadeiny of Lyons, anxiously waiting 
for the result. They at the said Academy were impolite 
enough to keep him waiting for over two months; but 
finally came their answer, convincing the angry young 
author of his second literary failure. "The manuscript 
deserves to be kept in the archives of the Lyons Acad- 
emy", was the resolution of the judges, a verdict with 
which young Napoleon was not satisfied at all, at which 
indeed, he felt sadly disappointed. And trying by all 
means to know some particulars about his essay, he final- 
ly got the following criticism: '"This essay seems to be 
the product of an exceedingly abundant and dreamy fant- 
asy. While the author did not know how to write, or 

1'> 



compose his work, on the other hand he is apparently a 
little too sentimental". 

For all of this criticism he really might have 
been proud of the fact that his essay was found worthy 
to be stored in the archives of the Lyons Academy; for 
there hardly was before him, nor will easily be found 
after him a boy of fifteen daring enough to compete for 
a literary prize of such importance; and in spite of the 
fact that both of his attempts were failures, they give 
proof of his most remarkable intelligence. 





it^^-^s ^^Nsi <<'*Tr4v> tt^'^y »t^^ 4^ll>» /^' 

ffldlilijlijllCMi 



LIEUTENANT BONAPARTE 




n the month of August 1785 Napoleon 
passed exaimination for lieutenantship. Even 
here he was not a great success, being 
among fifty eight applicants the forty 
second. His professors knsw him to be 
fit for the lieutenancy though they, could 
not grant him a good diploma owing to his carelessness 
in 'learning' his lessons. Every one of the young men 
before leaving for the army received a dismissal of which 
the main part was the rubric for "Remarks". In Napol- 
eon's dismissal we note the following characterization: 
"Very diligent and of extreme reserve, always preferring 
serious occupations to distractions of every description, 
his greatest pleasure being the reading of foreign auth- 



14 



i^t^^^m9^^'WxMM^^^0^}'^'^-:^^^ 




Ck t) 



> H 

2 > 
Ob., 






3 < 



i:%mm 



ors. It is worth while to note here that, while being al- 
most too concerned to pick up the abstract matters ol 
study, he does not care at all for graphic studies. He 
is excellent in mathematics and also geography, but 
knows astonishingly little about orthography. He spoke 
only when spoken to, and then in a most distinct and 
clear way. He was fond of arguments and was very con- 
vincing; selfish and ambitious, in spite of all his pecul- 
iarities he deservs all help and encouragement, because of: 
his excellent military qualities". 

On September 1st, 1785, he was appointed lieut^ 
enant of artillery in the Regiment De La F6re, at Val- 
ence. He was as happy as he could be, though badly dis- 
appointed by the delay of his final appointment. On 
October 26, he wrote a letter to a certain pawn-brocker 
in Paris, Labitte, requesting him to send some 
money on his uncle's, Paravicini's pension. It never 
could be found out whether he got that money or not,. 
nor how he resat to that peculiar method of raising itr 
it is however characteristic of his whole life, that at the- 
very start of his military career he was without help- 
He realized that his poverty would be to disadvantage up- 
on entering the staff of his regiment, for he knew it would 
be hard to hold his rightful position among the well-to-do 
officers, without money. On the whole, however, he 
considered himself well fitted for the services he was to 
perform, but found much to criticize in the conditions oir 
the Royal Army. And in this he is not at all to be 

15 



blamed, for the French Royal Army of those days was in 
a very bad condition. The officers, with but very few 
exceptions being noblemen, neglected their duties, and 
were entirely satisfied with drawing large salaries and 
enjoy all the many advantages of their privileged social 
position. Almost every one of them was appointed and 
advanced without the least regard to his abilities; for in 
the eighteenth century, to be a member of nobility was 
more than enough to take one into the French Royal 
Army and to assure a career. If the young nobleman 
was rich enough, he let his substitute do all his work, 
he himself hanging around the Royal Court; if he was 
poor, he pulled every wire to get an advancement; in 
neither case was he able or willing to realize the ideals 
^f a good soldier. General Duke Broglie, then Com- 
mander in Chief of the French Royal Army, distinctly 
blames the idleness and carelessness of the officers for 
the very poor state of the Army; he asserts that they 
were entirely ignorant concerning drill and says they 
hardly knew anything about the military discipline. 

Napoleon, though with a strong dislike toward 
his comrades, prepared to take up his new position, and 
as he was in lack of money he made the long journey 
from Paris to Valence almost entirely on foot rather 
than to hire any conveyance. Accompanied by his form- 
er friend and schoolmate, De Mazis, he reached Valence 
on the 5, of November taking immediate charge of his 
regimeivt. Realizing his poverty, he lived the life of an 

16 



hermit, studiously avoiding all social gatherings, and 
himself cleaning his boots and clothes. His small salary 
of lieutenant hardly sufficed to meet his daily needs, and 
very often a glass of milk and a piece of bread was all 
his daily food. Rising every day at four o'clock in the 
morning, he was an example of a dutiful young officer. 
Gradually he made some few acquaintances but did not 
care much for them, except the rector of the church. 
Father Sainit-Ruff. This priest thought a great deal of 
the young officer and did his best to make his young 
friend's life pleasant, introducing him to some of the 
noble families of the town. Soon Napoleon was wel- 
come everjrwhere. And later on, while at the zenith 
of his power and glory he did not forget those families, 
often recalling the past good times he had enjoyed in 
their company; and many members of the families De 
Colombier, Saint-Germain and De Laurencien received 
different favors of the powerful Emperor. 

Though .he had the entree at these houses, he 
did not frequent them; for he spent almost all of his 
spare time in reading and writing for the publication of 
his "History of Corsica". Besides Rousseau's .works, 
this was his favorite pastime. 

The same Napoleon, who was destined to rule 
almost the whole of Europe sitting on his self-erected 
French Imperial throne, being an officer of the Army of 
King Louis XVI, was a Corsican as he could be. Led 
by his fervent love toward his native country he went 

17 



on writing its history and after one year's strenuous 
study he finished the first part of his work entitled "His- 
tory of Corsica" ('Histoire de Corse'). He sent the 
manuscript, now his third one, to Father Raynal, his 
favorite professor at the Paris Military Academy, asking 
for his frank opinion. "Being but a young man of eight- 
teen", he says in his letter accompanying the manuscript, 
"it might surprise you that I am writing an historical work 
instead of learning some more. Nevertheless I am con- 
fident, you will help me along in my enterprise". 

Father Raynal, who thought so much of young 
Napoleon and was anxious to help the ambitious 3'^oung 
fellow, interviewed Count Mirabeau, then the most influ- 
ential French politician^, wondering what the latter might 
think of his former pupil's undertaking. He was mightily 
surprised on learning Mirabeau's opinion, who said, "The 
young author seems to be a genius". Father Raynal, 
naturally, did not agree entirely with Mirabeau, and 
after having read over Napoleon's work for several times, 
he did not hesitate to suggest that he should rewrite his 
work and be very careful in his quotations. In a word, 
like almost all of Napoleon's literary enterprises, the 
"History of Corsica" was a good deal overdone and there 
was in his manuscript much more of enthusiastic love 
toward his native country than anything else. 

Napoleon was willing to accept his former prof- 
essor's advice, but he could not get very far with his 
work's 'new edition', for soon afterward his regiment 

18 



was sent to Lyons, in order to calm the revolting inhabit- 
ants of that place. A little later he left for his beloved 
Corsica for an extended vacation. On his way home he 
stopped at Marseille calling on Father Raynal. They 
had a long and intimate conversation about the "History 
of Corsica" and other things too, and RaynaFs diary tells 
us, how discontented the young officer was. Napoleon 
during that conversation candidly confessed to his form- 
er teacher that he hated the French Royal Army; more 
over that he never would have joined the military forces 
if he could have had his own way ; but that owing to the 
very poor financial standing of his family, he was forced 
to become a soldier, this being the least expensive way 
of 'becoming something'. He said, if his father could 
only have afforded to spend some money on his educat- 
ion, he would have prefered becoming an engineer. 
"Nevertheless", he exclaimed, "I am now going to stick 
to my sword for I believe I shall make a marvelous 
career". 

From Marseille he went to Valence, to bid 
Father Saint-Ruff a hearty good-bye, and also to ask his 
protection in behalf of his brother Lucian. This remark- 
able yoxmg man made up his mind to make his brother 
a priest "I could not tell you why", he said, "but I 
certainly feel Lucian should become a priest aud I will 
help him along by all means to that end". Alas, he 
failed; for Lucian did not even think of joining the 
clergy. And it is remarkable, that later on, when Emp- 

1» 



€ror, Napoleon never forgave Lucian this 'disobedience*, 
showing at every opportunity his displeasure and treat- 
ing his brother almost like a stranger. Lucian would 
perhaps have done well to yield to his older brother^ 
for Napoleon would no doubt have appointed him Arch- 
bishop of Paris, thus adding great lustre to his name. 




THE ECONOMICAL NAPOLEON 




n 1790 the young officer was looking 
homeward. The many political troubles 
of Europe made him fearful for the wel- 
fare of his native country and he was 
desirous to get home to be of some help. 
He £new it to be a dangerous enterprise 
for him, an officer of the Fernch Royal Army, and he 
knew he was going to risk everything; nevertheless he 
decided to carry out the plan. On the pretext of wish- 
ing to see his mother he obtained a vacation of six months 
and with extreme impatience left for home, where he 
thought he would find a large field for his powers. He 
rejoiced in advance at the prospect of a glorious political 
career. But alas ! the plan came to naught. By entering 
Corsican politics he accomplished nothing but making 



21 



himself a suspect in the eyes of the French government; 
and this the more, as he extended his vacation for two 
months without leave. 

On the 1st, of February 1791 dissapointed badly 
he left Corsica for France accompanied by his brother 
Louis. He first went to Auxonne, where he made his 
commander believe he failed to get back on time only 
because of bad traffic and illness. Instead of being ar- 
rested as deserter he was reappointed v«^ithout the least 
trouble. 

Before leaving Ajaccio, where he was acting 
as the head of his family, he gave his mother and broth- 
ers instructions as how to behave and it is worth while 
to note what he said to his older brother Joseph. "I am 
afraid", he said, "France is going to get into trouble, 
therefore she should settle all her political affairs and 
that without any delay, otherwise the whole of Europe 
may be embroiled into danger. France, this great count- 
ry, which is destined to perform glorious things, seems 
not to realize that she can be saved only by able, aud- 
acious and broad-minded leaders, by men, who know 
v/hat they are about to undertake and feel that they will 
carry out their plans. The present leaders of French 
politics should bear in mind the country's need of nation- 
al heroes, heroes ready to fight by all means for their 
ideas and able to master the stupid masses, this being 

the only way to do really great things As far 

as I am concerned I would like to come back after my 

22 



■m 




death in order to learn what the coming generations will 
think of the present situation". 

It is surprising, to read these words of a young 
man of twentytwo, which to a certain degree foretold 
his own future. 

At Auxonne, after resuming his former duties, 
he went on preparing his brother Louis for the military 
career announcing "Louis must become a soldier". And 
on his small salary of but one hundred francs a month 
the two brothers managed to live. They certainly lived 
a very simple life, but they were satisfied. Napoleorf 
occoupied in the Armory of his regiment a small room 
and a still smaller closet; the room was furnished but 
with a simple iron bedstead, a table and two unstained 
chairs, this being their headquarters, while Louis slept 
in the closet. They did all their housework themselves, 
cleaning their clothes and boots 'that they might last 
longer'^ spending all their spare time with serious studies. 
Though, being in lack of several necessary things, they 
could arrange to biiy some useful books and very often 
they busied themselves with reading in order to forget 
that they had had no supper. The self-willed Napoleon 
was contented because he realized that he was working 
for his brother's welfare thus giving a fine proof of his 
tender feeling, afterwards so often questioned. He was 
kind-hearted, loving his family, and when later on he 
sometimes did things unlike a good son and loving broth- 

23 



er, it was only because he was too burdened with public 
duties as to control his private feelings. In following Na- 
poleon's career it often becomes difficult to understand 
that peculiar character of his, but in examining carefully 
all the circumstances, we shall always find some features 
that make us forget his wrongdoings and mistakes. 

Naturally, young Napoleon got tired of his fin- 
ancial traits and he anticipated making some money by 
writing. He undertook for the fourth time to gain some 
literary success. Writing much on different matters, he 
could get published but one of his writings, a pamphlet 
entitled "Letter of Bonaparte to Buttafuocco", and deal- 
ing with politics. He was careful enough to publish his 
work anonymously, for he sincerely disapproved the severe 
proceedings of France againstCorsica. Then, not entire- 
ly satisfied with the com,paratively slight success of his 
pamphlet, he began rewriting his "History of Corsica"; 
but he could not find any publisher enterprising enough 
to put this manuscript into book form. The original 
manuscript of the "History of Corsica" is one of the most 
interesting pieces of Lord Ashburnham's London library. 
It was but very little he 'made' by writing, as for the 
said pamphlet he received but eighty francs, half of which 
sum he was generous enough to give his brother Louis 

24 



as recompensation for copying the manuscript, undoubt- 
edly a hard task, for he wrote a hand which could be read 
but by very few people, not to mention his continoua 
hostility to orthography. 




NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 
A BUSINESSMAN 




^here has been written much about Napo- 
leon's tv/o escapades in Corsica, and it will 
not be worth while to recall all particulars, 
but only to state, that during his second 
adventurous enterprise, he was a little 
more successful. Having again entered po- 
litics, because of his astonishing cleverness and fascinat 
ing personality, he soon gained some influence, which 
grew till he was elected Lieutenant-Colonel of the 
Corsican Insurgents. Then, the Corsican failed in 
their heroic self-defence, and Napoleon, realizing there 
was no use in fighting any longer against France, 
he secretly left his native country exactly six 
months after his vacation was over. 



26 



By his desertion he had lost his former rank of 
Pirst-Lieutenant, and he found himself in a very pitiable 
situation. He would have liked to be restored as officer 
of the French Army, but did not know how to arrange 
this, for he realized that arrest as common deserter would 
follow his return and ruin his prospects completely and 
forever. He therefore obtained papers testifying to an 
illness, borrowed money, and on May 2, 1792, fled to 
Bastia, and thence to Paris, hoping to make his former 
commander believe that poor health had prevented his 
return. 

Upon reaching Marseille, he heard that Emper- 
or Francis of Austria had declared war against France, 
and the news gave him no little encouragement, for now 
there would be need of officers. Finally on the 21st, of 
May (1792) arriving at Paris he immediatly began can- 
vassing as to his return to the army, and he soon found 
out that he stood before a very hard, even dangerous 
undertaking. But .he would not have been Napoleon, 
if he could have been scared by the first inconveniences. 
After a tiresome canvass, to his no little joy he found out 
that in theDepartment of War, everything being turned 
upside-down, they had almost forgotten of his two escap- 
ades. Thus somewhat encouraged he approached his 
former commander. Colonel DeChampagnol with the 
request for reappointment. But the colonel took no 
notice of him, owing, as he said, to his misbehavior. 
Then he called on Baron Duteuil, the Commander in 

27 



Chief of the French Artillery, without getting even the 
slightest encouragment. So he was forced to be patient, 
despite the fact that owing to the desertion of almost all 
of the officers of Royalistic party, the French Army was 
in lack of officers. Napoleon sent one application after 
the other, wondering what would happen in case he could 
not get back to the army. 

Thus came the time of starvation, Napoleon being 
so poor that for weeks he could not afford to spend on his 
daily food more than 6 cents. In order to get something 
to eat, he was forced to pawn his silver watch, thus hav- 
ing nothing left but his clothing. (Later on when First 
Consul he was called by the nickname of 'leather-pants* 
("Coulotte de peau") in remembrance of his past hard 
times.) Finally, after being unable to stand any longer 
this uncertainty he made up his mind to look after come 
'job'. And he suggested to Bourienne, his former 
schoolmate, whom he met in similar situation, to enter 
with him into 'business.' "Look here, Bourienne," he 
said, "we are as poor as we can be^ but we should not 
allow ourselves to be overcome by poverty; we should 
do something. Let us establish an employment agency. 
We know many people, they probably will help us along." 
As Bourienne had no objection they began making all 
preparations, but could not get farther than the begin- 
ning, as they had no money either to deposit as security 
prescribed by law, or to buy necessary furniture, so alas, 
the BONAPARTE & BOURIENNE EMPLOYMENT 

28 



AGENCY was never brought into effect, history thus 
losing an undoubtedly very interesting item. 

The two 'companions' were doing nothing and 
while strolling aroimd on the 20, of August they met an 
excited crowd of "Sanscoulottes" claiming their political 
rights. "Let us follow this mob," Napoleon said to 
Bourienne, disapproving aloud the people's misbehavior, 
and while witnessing that scene, making the following 
remarks : 

"I really cannot understand why the authorities 
do not stop such irregularities. Some of this mob 
ought to be shot on the spot and the balance would get 
away quickly enough. If only King Louis would show 
himself now on horseback, they would stop all this 
scandal at once." 

And actually, if Louis XVI had been just a little 
more courageous, he would certainly have avoided many 
of his mishaps'. A King on horseback mingling with the 
turbulent people could hardly have failed of some result 
by making the mob realize that their least resistance 

would cause a fearful fusilade. 

While considering Napoleon's self-willedness, 
his enterprise and cleverness, one should recognize ajso 
his self-denial in facing poverty for so long a while. 
From the very beginning he did not think much of the 
mHitary career, moreover, • as aforesaid, he candidly con- 



f essed he never cared about becoming a soldier ; and now 
he sticks to his sword and keeps patiently waiting, real- 
izing his turn will come. After failing with his business 
Mea, he made up his mind to wait and to get back to the 
Army at all events. He suffered much from his poverty, 
even became ill; but did not lose his temper. Later on 
he showed he was not waiting in vain; for events fell 
much better than he dared to dream of. 

One day while talking with Bourienne upon 
politics he spoke of Corcica."The Corsicans", he said, 
*'are a remarkable people. They make the sincerest 
friends, but on the other hand they are the fear- 
fulest enemies. They are extremely noble - mind- 
ed, and a Corsican will never forget even the 
slightest bounty bestowed upon him; but he also 
would never endure even the least insult, being ready 
to kill his enemy right on the spot as well as risk his 
life for his benefactor. They are the most country-lov- 
ing people, sticking to their freedom with astonishing 
bravery and zeal and fighting for the same to the very 
last minute. You cannot find anjrwhere else such mar- 
velous self-discipline as among my fellow-countrymen 
and I dare to say you have missed much in being unable 
to realize by experience what a great people my dear 
Corsicans are." 

30 



Well, later on, no wonder, he forgot all about 
I'.is once beloved iellow-countrymen. However, in cha- 
racterizing them as above, he told a little of himself too 




TOULON 




^he very start of Napoleon's marvelous 
career was the battle at Toulon. This 
battle, being in itself an important item 
of History, seems worthy of being re- 
called. 

When the French National 
Guard garrisoned the cities of Marseille, Avignon and 
Beaucaire^ the population of the neighboring city of 
Toulon grew suspicious, for they did not see any reason 
for such an action ; and owing to the fact that in calming 
the turbulent elements and keeping control of Toulon 
hitherto had always got along without assistance, and 
in their fear that the National Guard might be about to 
ally themselves with the Revolutionists, the authorities 
of the place opened the harbor to the English fleet, 



32 



which, for some time, had already been patrolling the 
same. They hardly realized what a great mistake they 
were maldng; for the English fleet under the command 
of Admiral Hood, and also their Armycorps led by Gen- 
eral O'Hara, took the opportunity of attacking Toulon, 
and after having disarmed its garrison, they were gaining 
control not only of Toulon and its forteresses but also 
of the very important harbor, the French fleet thus being 
driven to straits. The French authorities, becoming 
troubled at sight of such a danger, immediately sent 
General Cai-teaux with a force of eight thousend men 
to recapture Toulon, thus in conjunction with the army 
of Italy formiing an army of twenty thousand. General 
Carteaux however, having been formerly a painter, did 
not understand the military profession well enough to 
make proper arrangements and the best he could do was 
to wait for more help. Thus Napoleon's time had come. 
On the 12, of September 1793 he was restored to his 
former rank and sent to Toulon. He could do but very 
little, and only* when in November General Dugoumier 
took charge of that very important place, came splendid 
opportunities of developing Napoleon's military genius. 
Getting charge of the department of Artillery he made 
such clever arrangements for defence, that will but one 
hundred cannons he was able to keep the enemy at a 

certain distance form the harbor. He thought as long as 
the harbor itself was out of danger it would not be so 
hard to finish with O'Hara's soldiers. But owing to 

33 



the overwhelming power of the English, the danger of 
failure was imminent ; and the audacious Napoleon as, he 
was, did not hesitate. Something extraordinary must 
be done and that quickly too. Feeling sure that the 
only way to win was to confuse the English, he made 
up his mind to risk very much in order to save all, and 
on the night of November 29, he had perfected his plan 
of procedure. The silence of that night was suddenly 
broken by a terrible thunderlike noise, and one minute 
later the powder-magazine of Toulon was blown up and 
torn to pieces. Napoleon fired the cannon himself which 
spared the French Army a disastrous defeat, securing 
for himself a neerless military carear. The Commander in 
Chief, Dugomier, said in his report sent to the National 
Convention: "Citizen Bonaparte helped me much, and I 
think he should be considered an excellent soldier". — In 
fact Napoleon, having been but very shortly restored^ 
left Toulon as Colonel. 

Admiral Hood's brother, who also fought at 
Toulon, gives us some particulars about what Napoleon 
had accomplished at Toulon in a letter written to his 
sister: 

"Dear Sister,— 

"The same Napoleon Bonaparte, who in 1785 was 
appointed Lieutenant of the La Fere Artillery left Toul- 
on as Colonel, twenty four years of age. I believe he 

84 



jftfXmy/i: '- ^y' S^lkil^vl^/'fe'-^:: .';v:'>S''r ■ /'A. ■- ,■'■■; '-^'' ■ '■'"-'^ -v- ' '■; ''';;;',. 




H 2 



^1 



was sent by the French Government especially in order 
to arrange the recapture of that very important spot. He 
got a score of splendid opportunities to develope his 
abilities and it was he who put our General O'Hara into 
captivity. On the 23d of November O'Hara with a force 
of six thousand men attacked Malbosquet, the important 
fortress of the French Artillery; but he soon had to 
defend his position against Dugoumier, the commander 
in chief of the French, while Bonaparte being in charge 
of the department of Artillery knew how to arrange to 
cover his Commander's operation by locating cannons 
upon the hills all around Malbosquet. Thus O'Hara was 
thrown at once, into a very dangerous situation. Napol- 
eon fearing his commander's efforts might fail, accomp- 
anied by but four hundred men climbed upon the hill of 
Malbosquet taking hitherto an unknown way, protected 
by dense bushes. A^ soon as they were in range of shot, 
they surprised O'Hara with an unexpected sharp-shoot- 
ing, our garrison thus becoming entirely confused and 
the French gaining control of the fortress. The General 
(O'Hara) himself was struck by a bullet. The excited 
French artillerists made an assault on him and he pro- 
bably would have been lynched if Bonaparte had not 
come to his aid by driving them away. Our General, 

35 



however, was taken into prison but always treated ac- 
cording to his high rank, for which he really had to thank 
Napoleon". 

Later on, when times changed giving the Eng- 
lish a splendid opportunity of being chivalrous toward 
their prisoner, they apparently had forgotten all about 
that event. 

After the triumphant recapture of Toulon, Na- 
poleon was sent to Paris, soon advancing to the rank of 
General and becoming the centre of much favorable com- 
ment, even admiration. When appointed commander in 
chief of the entire French Artillery, he gave a new proof 
of his magnanimity by restoring all the former officers 
discharged by the Direstoire and patronizing his fellow- 
contrymen, the Corsican. 

Earras, Freron, and also Robespierre, the lead- 
ers of those days, candidly called Napoleon the man of 
the future, and a solid foundation was already laid for a 
splendid career. 

It is noteworthy, that it was at Toulon, where 
Napoleon first met Junot. Marmont and Mudron, the 
main compeers of his subsequent marvelous military 
triumphs. 



II 




^t Toulon the deserter changed into the 
most celebrated general of the French 
Republic. Therefore, he always knew 
how to remain in the lime-light and if any 
one deserves to be called a 'self made 
man' it is he. With a score of enemies, 
in the midst of the most adventurous political events, he 
led the French nation to believe, there was no one but 
him able to restore the public welfare. Marching from 
one triumph to another, always standing at the centre 
of events, he at once became the ruler not only of France, 
but of almost the whole of Europe. 

How he became Consul, then First Consul and 
finally First Consul for life ; how he became Emperor of 
France, are historical facts well known by everybody. 
His political achievements are also known and it would 
be tiresome for the reader to recall all these triumphs 
aibout which there has already been written so much. 
But there are some very interesting aspects of Napoleon's 



39 



private character hitherto unknown; if there has been 
comment about them, they have been entirely misunder- 
stood, even misrepresented. 

In the following chapters the kind reader will 
find described some of these features, which, though 
little things they are the keys to great events and thus 
important in order to get a true opinion of Napoleon. 




NAPOLEON, — THE PEACEMAKER 



^inehundred-niety-nine people out of a 
thousand believe, that Napoleon deemed 
the war the purpose of his life, and when 
asked where they got this opinion they 
can hardly give you any answer; and 
when pressed for an explanation they pro- 
bably will answer, "Why, in recent times there was never 
shed as much blood as in the reign of Napoleon I.", 

In contrast to such futile statements, the histo- 
rical fact is that Napoleon I, after gaining control of 




41 



France, did not desire war; on the contrary he was an- 
xious by all means to establish and to maintain the in- 
ternational peace. On the one hand he was often forced 
into war against his will, while on the other hand, in 
spite of his splendid and marvelous abilities, he made 
mistakes as to war, and big ones too; therefore he was 
but human. 

There exists a letter of Napoleon which is of 
much interest for many reasons. This letter, having 
been written immediately after his first astounding 
triumph won over Austria, shows how well he knew how 
to control himself; and it also shows that he knew more 
than a score of leading politicians of his day did ; and that 
he was not led by egotism as was and still is claimed by 
many short-sighted historians. The letter makes it ev- 
ident that he knew exactly what he was going to do and 
foresaw the consequences of his doings. The fact that 
lie sometimes overlooked those consequences proves noth- 
ing but that he was subject to the frailty of human nat- 
ure ; on the other hand this very letter shows his marvel- 
ous cleverness, his sharp-sightedness, and also his kind- 
ness. 

Without further comment, let us follow the letter 
as it reads. 

42 





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"Bonaparte, First Consul, to His Majesty the 
Emperor of Austria, King o£ Hungaria and Bohemia. 

Military Headquarters, Marango. 
27, of Prairial, Year VIII. 

(June 16, 1800.) 

"I am taking the liberty of notifying 
Your Majesty through this letter that the French nation 
is willing to stop all warfare. 

"Before the war arose I tried to win Your Ma- 
jesty's heart for peace, and England alone should be 
blamed for the failure of my endeavor. Many thousands 
out of our respective people lost their lives in the camp 
of honor and it is very hard, if not entirely impossible, 
to find any remedy for the past sad events. Thousands 
of widows and orphans are mourning the loss of their 
dear ones, and with a sincere emotion of my very soul I 
ask you to stop the dangers menacing the whole of 
Europe. 

''In the camp of the recently wen glorious 
triumphs of my soldiers and surrounded by fifteen thous- 
and corpses, I beg Your Majesty, to listen to the scream 
of Humanity, begging not to allow any further that the 
corpses of the brave sons of two nations, the Austrian 
and the French, be piled just for the benefit of a third' 

4$ 



one. Here, in the very midst of the bloody events, deep- 
ly touched by the sad sight, I see everything and my 
feelings grow intense more than yours who are far away 
from this sad place. 

"Majesty, your soldiers are already overloaded 
with laurels; you have gained more than you ever could 
have dreamed of; and therefore I am unable to under- 
stand why those about you will not keep quite. I cand- 
idly dare to say, they are giving you entirely wrong 
suggestions. 

'Or, are your advisers perhaps led by the would 
be defense of Church and Faith? Well then, why do 
they not suggest you to fight against England, Russia 
or even Prussia, they being many times more 'faithless* 
than the French? 

Perhaps those about you do not believe in an 
electoral Government as they do not know anything 
better than an hereditary Monarchy. Why, you should 
know the best, that your Empire itself grew strong on 
the basis of an electoral Government, and you no doubt 
realize and feel how helpless the world would be if the 
people's mind should be oppressed. The French people 
no doubt is fully entitled to choose the very form of Gov- 
ernment which it deems for itself the most appropriate and 
the best. If your advisers are against our Republic, 
they could just as well suggest to the United States of 
America to disband its Congress. Would you deem it 
wise? I cannot believe it. 

44 



"Or, are you dreaming of the union of all Germ- 
an people? If so, why did you surrender Mainz, which 
could still have given you many important services? — 
Your Majesty should bear in mind, the best and only 
thing you could do in order to save the unity of your 
Empire would be to restore the peace, and this by all 
m^eans. 

"Suppose that you are holding out for the war 
being led, or better misled by the fixed idea of expand- 
ing your reign over the Italian Provinces; could you tell 
me then for what purpose you signed the treaty of 
Campoformio, through which you were gaining more 
than your ancestors would ever have expected? 

'*I am quite positive, your advisers are telling 
you stories about how to maintain the 'equilibrium*. 
Well, they ought to know there is no danger for that 
equilibrium as far as France is concerned; even on the 
contrary, they should realize that the danger is there 
where they do not want to see it : England is the enemy 
of peace ! Or do you not see England already has control 
of the commerce of all Russia, Sweden, Spain, Danemark, 
Batavia and even France? Do you not realize that there 
is the very same danger for you, too? 

"Or, are those about you anxious to suppress 
everything what they call 'Revolution'? — You certainly 
do not realize where Revolution originates: suppose a 
Government mismanaging the public affairs, is spending 
many times more than the people can stand for, the 

45 



country becomes ruined; — do you wonder that the 
people thus misled, fooled and cheated out of its rights, 
grows impatient and anxious to get rid of such mis- 
management? Certainly, not. And if not, why would 
you help along that which you call revolution by force- 
ing France into a new war? 

"It is now for you, to settle the peace. Let us 
finally work arm-in-arm for the welfare of Europe, and 
our mutual harmony should set an example for the less 
powerful countries as how to behave. 

"We should procure our respective people com- 
posed and prosperous future. If the generations to come 
are foolish enough to jump over again into the danger of 
warlike achievements, just let thetm have their own way» 
for we are not responsible for their doings; but we 

undoubtedly are responsible for the present generation, 
and I should think we have had experience enough to 
know how to avoid all the manifold and horrible dangers 
of war. 

"I think you must realize I could have made the 
whole of your army my prisoners, while I practically 
was satisfied to take the first steps toward the interna- 
tional peace. I was brought up in warlike days and I 
have to thank the war for everthing ; and therefore most 
of the people think I do not care for anything but war 
in order to increase my triumphs. And in answer to 
that nonsese I am now occupied with trying to settle a 

46 



WmM^flW^fi'^^:' 




Menjaud: MARIE - LOUISE PORTRAYING THE EMPEROR 

Musee de Versailles. 



permanent peace in order to show the world how I have 
been misrepresented. I certainly feel that the armistice 
recently inaugurated by me is to be followed by a last- 
ing and guaranteed peace. Therefore, I am bound to 
call Your Majesty's attention to the following : 

"FIRST, the said armistice must be an abso- 
lute one, — and 

''SECOND, there should be made immediately 
all necessary arrangements for a conference in order to 
secure and settle the political condition of all the smaller 
Powers, and also to make the necessary changes in the 
treaty of Campoformio. In order to show you how 
anxious I am for a final and positive settlement of the 
peace, I do not mind going as far as to leave it to your 
decision, whether the said conference should be a public 
one or not, 

"If Your Majesty should not wish to accept the 
above suggestion, the war will be taken up with redoubl- 
ed force and vigor, there being not even the slightest 
doubt Your Majesty will have to bear all responsibility 
for the consequences. Therefore, I beg Your Majesty 
to read over this letter as carefully as it has been written 
and I sincerely wish it might awaken in your heart the 
same feelings by which I was led in writing to you. — 
Finally, you may rest assured there is nothing so dear 
to my heart as to secure a perpetual peace and, in conse- 
quence of this an everlasting welfare to the French na- 

47 



ticn, the bravery and zeal of which I have had the honor 
to admire now for eight years. 

''Signed, BONAPARTE". 

This letter may be quite a surprise to many in 
references to the war itself. And at the same time it 
is a true mirror of Napoleon's splendid intelligence. Al- 
though he was nothing but a soldier, the above quoted 
letter gives an astonishing proof of his wide historical 
knowledge, and also of his clear insight into politics, — 
moreover, it shows he was chivalrous enough to praise 
the bravery of the Austrian army among which he did 
not enjoy even in the least a good reputation, being held 
by the Austrians for nothing but a common 'Parvenu', 

Alas ! Napoleon's effort was an entire failure, the 
Austrian Government making the mistake of negotiating 
with England, with the scheme to make Napoleon believe 
they were willing to agree with his suggestion, while 
acting against the same. 

According to Napoleon's suggestion, Luneville 
was set as the place of the international conference ; but 
it is an historical fact that Austria acted against her own 
ir.terest in rejecting Napoleon's request and that so the 
latter was fully entitled to throw the blame of the cont- 
inuation of v/ar on Austria. 



HOW NAPOLEON SLEPT 




^^^apoleon I, was undoubtedly a most pec- 
uliar personality. Nature seemed to have 
made him an exception even as to his 
physique. He could, for example absol- 
utely control his sleep. He could sleep 
.whenever he felt like it and he also could 
stay awake as long as he deemed it necessary. Joseph 
Turquan in his REVUE BLEUE (1896) says the Corsic- 
ans have the gift of cpntroling their sleep and he claims 
that Napoleon inherited the faculty from his mother. 
He generally slept but very little, it being a remarkable 
historical fact that during the whole of his career, from 
the tirtie he was elected First Consul of the French 
Republic until' his deportation to St. Helena, he en- 



4a 



joyed a sleep but four times lasting for six hours or 
more. He usually went to bed after midnight, and after 
a rest of three hours called in his valet, Constant, to get 
everything ready for his daily work. He liked to work 
the best in the early morning hours, and claimed that the 
hours immediately after a good rest are the best for 
settling important affairs, whether public or private. Im- 
mediately after getting up he began reading his minist- 
ers' daily reports and making all arrangements for the 
coming day. 

Strangely enough Napoleon, though a remark- 
ably brave even audacious soldier, hardened to face all 
inconveniences of war was extremely sensitive to cold. 
His writing room was heated during the whole year. 
He took specially good care of his head, going in this 
fixed idea so far as to wear his hat (of well known form) 
as long as possible, and always fearing a cold when wear- 
ing a new one. During winter he wore under his hat a 
cap of blue or red cotton which made him look very 
peculiar. The son of general Oudinot's valet, Pils, who 
later became a famous artist, painted the Emperor with 
a red cap. The Duchess D'Abrantes says in her 
memoires that Napoleon always suffered frolm extreme 
sensibility to cold and that in camp, rain or shine, sum- 
mer or winter there was always an open fire built close 
to his tent. 

Once he retired in a house which was built 



as a temporary morgue next to the camp, and there he 
slept for a short time among the corpses. "While in 
camp", he said, "we should not neglect our physical 
needs. In war I always sleep as little as possible; but 
v/hen feeling tired and worn out I prefer to take a nap on 
horseback or under a cannon, rather than give orders 
«ind make arrangements with sleepy brains". At the bat- 
tle of Bautzen (1813) which lasted for three days, he 
passed both nights in Marshal Berthier's company with- 
out even a minute's rest. The last morning at five 
o'clock he mounted his horse, inspected his soldiers until 
nine o'clock; and after having made all necessary ar- 
rangements, he simply lay down unpon a bundle of straw 
among General Marmont's cannons, saying, "Do not 
forget to wake me up as soon as we have won". 

After his glorious victory at Friedland, tired 
and worn out as he was, Napoleon withdrew to a dilapi- 
dated old house near the camp, and kept himself busy re- 
calling the arrangements he made, the officers of his 
e cort all falling asleep. 

Only once in all his life had he an unusually 
long sleep, ncimely during the war in Italy when one day, 
as there was nothing going on, he slept for eighteen 
hours, after having been for seven days without any rest 
at all. 

He cared as little for eating as for sleeping. He 
ate but in order to give his body the necessary nourish- 

51 



ment and he considered sleep a necessary evil. When 
waiting for important messages, he would get up several 
times in order to make all arrangements himself, or toi 
talk matters over; and he sdmetimes grew very impa- 
tient when those about him could not rise in time. 

Count Las-Cases, one of those who knew Nap- 
oleon best, says that the Emperor, though he always 
slept heavily, after getting up showed not the slightest 
sleepiness, but on the contrary immediately after a rest. 
gave the most glittering proofs of his splendid intellect. 

The Emperor, after the Egyptian expedition, 
always had an Arabian, Roustem, near him. Roustem 
slept some hours dliring the day, and watched the Em- 
peror the whole night through in order to wake him as 
soon as anything important happened, often seven or 
more times a night. "Well, what is going on? -Let him 
in. What time is it?", was all the Emperor said, being 
the next minute ready to consider the most important 
message. 

Napoleon used a very simple iron bed such as 
common soldiers of his day had, and this was carried 
along wherever he went. During his extended cam- 
paings he used to take his rest while on the way, never 
sleeping for more than an hour; and if unfortunatly his 
folding iron bed was not at hand, he did not mind sleep- 
ing on the very spot. 

His valet always carried along a bearskin,.. 

52 



which in case of need was used as a bed. During the 
battle of Wagram, after having made all necessary 
arrangments to strengthen the somewhat weakened po- 
sition of Marshal Massena's armycorps, Napoleon confi- 
dent of success, took a nap upon the said bearskin^ sleep- 
ing almost half an hour, and awoke just in time to see the 
Austrian army give away. 

Napoleon very often slept in camp during the 
battle. "It shows a kind of heroism", he used to say, 
"if one is daring enough to sleep with the bullets flying 
around one's head". In no other way, however, was he 
a bit critical when in camp. He was then only a soldier, 
and when in need of rest, slept wherever he could find a 
quite place. 

On the eve of the battle of Jena, after making sure 
that everything would turn out all right, he lay down 
upon his mantle among his soldiers, throwing away his 
hat and covering his face with Rousteim's handkerchief. 

After a battle, if he only could arrange it, he us- 
ed to stay in the nearest town or village for some days 
before returning to Paris, enjaying what he called 'priv- 
ate life'. During such retirements he wore long pajamas 
and a large towel around his head like a turban. "While 
in camp, we have to be nothing but soldiers, but after 
having accomplished hard work, we can live at leasure", 
he used to say. 

General Segur, one of his intimates, once found 
Napoleon in a very interesting situation. It was during 

5» 



the battle at Wagram. The fight stopped for some 
hours, and the Emperor went into an old house near his 
headquaters and sat down on the floor for a rest. . . He 
soon fell into a sound sleep, resting his back against a 
shaky old stove on the opposite side of which there 
slept a young drummer. Segur and some other officers 
cf the escort searching for the Emperor were both sur- 
prised and even shocked to find him in such a situation. 
They hastily woke the drummer, thus causing no little 
noise ; their surprise became still greater as they noticed 
Napoleon's anger because of the unexpected disturbance. 
"You should have commonsense enough to understand 
that this young fellow is at least as much entitled to have 
a rest as myself. You had better let us alone". And 
he immediatly leaned back again, Segur and his com- 
rades being forced to wait while the Emperor and the 
drummer continued their rest. 

On another occasion, the night following the 
battle at Montmirail, Napoleon was surprised by General 
Giron, who having for the Emperor a most important 
message, was turning the whole of the camp in order to 
deliver it up-side-down. The General finally noticed a 
Icnsome house about two miles away from the head- 
quarters. Led thither by curiousity, he could hardly 
make his way to the house, the yard being full of sleep- 
ing soldiers and snoring horses. When he finally ar- 
rived at its wide open door he was startled to afraid by 
Roustem lying on the threshold and wondering what he 

M 



'<^ 




o> 

K 
H 

O 



might want. Roustem,when asked by the General how 
he got here, did! not say a word, but pointed to an old 
bedstead on the top of which there slept Napoleon with 
his hat on and holding his sword. Napoleon, certainly, 
was often forced to miss even that much coimfort. Dur- 
ing the war in Russia and Poland he had to suffer just 
as much as any of his soldiers, and on the eve of his 
imarch into Moscowa he had to pass the night in such a 
dirty place, that Rousteln was kept busy all night burning: 
Aloe in order to improve the 'thick' atmosphere. 

But Napoleon, like a true soldier, never disdain- 
ed to face all the inconveniences of war. He had but 
one luxury which he did not dispense with even while 
in camp : he always had a valet near him in order to at- 
tire him, for when getting up he was always in such a 
hurry, as to be unable to dress himself. 




THE EMPEROR AND LITERATURE 




t Dresden during the conference of the 
European powers Napoleon recalling once 
his past said," While lieutenant at Valence 
I read the whole of the City library". The 
Emperor being of Corsican descent we 
might add to this, "Si non e' vero, e' ben 
trovato", for his above quoted sentence is not proven as 
true. He was undoubtedly a fine scholar, anxious to 
know everything, and spending much of his time in read- 
ing. After he became Emperor, he had little time for read- 
ing except on his travels; and his first wife, Josephine, 
was burdened during their journeys with the hard task 
of reader. Napoleon carried along a lot of books and 
pamphlets, and at last required a regular traveling-libra- 



56 



xy^ consisting of eight-hundred volumes, to be carried 
along in neatly made oak cases. (He took this library 
from Paris to Elba, even to the camps at Waterloo ; and 
during his second exile at St.Helena, these books did 
much to alleviate his lonesomeness) . 

In the antei-chamber of the counsil-room at the 
Tuileries, the former Imperial palace, there still exists 
a very valuable collection of almost all the important 
theological works of those days. Louis XVII when 
taking temporary possession of that palace was unable 
to understand what could have been the use of the 
^peculiar' collection. 

Napoleon not being in the least prejudiced, 
was interested in all the different branches of science 
and could respect and appreciate even the most contra- 
dictory opinions. If he did not like, however, a certain 
book, he simply threw it away. 

Once the Emperor indulged himself in the plan 
of an unique library to consist of a single edition of three 
thousand volumes, these books to contain all the most 
celebrated products of science and history. He even 
went so far as to select paper, type and binding for this 
encyclopedic collection; but on discovering that the 
scheme would cost eight millions, he suddenly dropped 
the idea, because of the country's straitened financial 
condition, thereby depriving succeding generations of a 
most interesting and valuable library. 

57 



Ossian, Ariosto, Corneille and Racine were his 
favorite authors. He preferred Attic Greek and modern 
French literature. 

At St.Helena he read a great deal. In one year 
he got through with not less than seventy-two historical 
'memoires', and one evening he proudly said to General 
Gourgaud: "To-day I have read three valumes about 
Indies". 

His traveling-library, this faithful companion 
of his past glory, substantially increased at St.Helena, 
was inherited by his sister, the Duchess Bacchiocchi, 
who presented the valuable collection to his nephew 
'Prince Lulu', the son of Napoleon III. Thus the six 
historical oak cases finally came in 1870 back to Paris. 
All those volumes are of small octavo size, bound in light 
brown morocco, a simple letter 'N' being their ornament. 
Besides very clever remarks inserted by Napoleon, those 
books bear many signs of frequent 'use', the Emperor be- 
coming in his last years an inverterate snuff-taker. His 
gray mantle worn at Marengo and his historically re- 
nowned 'petit chapeau' were brought to Paris together 
with these books, the hat surprising everybody by its 
unusually large size. 

It is remarkable that Napoleon despite his con- 
tinous literary and scientific hunger, was an extremely 
poor penlman. He did not like to write and he also 
could not write ; and when at last he had scrawled some- 

58 



thing it was hard for the addressee to decipher the man- 
uscript. For instance immediately after his marriage 
to Marie-Louise, daughter of Emperor Francis II of 
Austria, he wrote his father-in-law a few lines notifying 
him of the wedding; and at the Vienna Imperial Court 
they had to send for an expert to learn the contents of 
that letter. 

At St. Helena he tried to pass his time pleasant- 
ly and in lack of other means he began 'entertaining' 
those about him with dramatic lectures. General 
Gourgaud notes in his diary that those lectures were not 
entertaining at all and says, "It was painful to listen to the 
Emperor's m.onotonous lectures, lacking even the least 
dramatical point". 

From his youth up, he showed a bent for pecu- 
liar literary enterprises, which were carried out under 
unique conditions. At Moscowa for instance while the 
Kremlim (Imperial Palace) was burning, he went on 
writing an essay about the ancient French tragedy. "I 
like the best high* tragedy ('la haute tragoedie') such as 
■was written by Cocneille. Those ancient tragedies show 
us the character and the individuality of great men, and 
this many times better than even History. In high trag- 
edy the heroes appear as really living, surrounded by 
the different accidental and crucial events of their human 
life, and we are able to get a true view of them; while 
History overloads us with insignificant particulars which 

59 



oppress the character and spoil the clear view. The 
ancient tragedy always bears in mind the noble aim 
of setting an exalmple". 

Once he said if Corneille was living in his days 
he would have been only too proud to make him an Im- 
perial Prince. 

An unsuspected characteristic of Napoleon, re- 
vealed only by his literary products, was his inclination 
to materialism ; whereas before the public eye he always 
showed himself an optimist and idealist. He knew very 
well that the people could be ruled the best by idealistic 
and optimistic suggestions, and he thought a ruler should 
always appear in a gold-woven mantle of idealsm, no 
matter if he was the darkest pessimist. During his 
second exile he was getting somewhat pessimistic, but 
this was always overcome by his inherited idealism. 

That he did not consider literature just a pas- 
time was shown by the fact that he paid serious attention 
to literary criticism on his own original lines, but he has 
entirely overlooked the modem criticism, for instance not 
careing in the least for Madame De Stael, Schlegel, Dil- 
lemann or Saint-Beuve, the most celebrated way-break- 
ers of the modern criticism. As to art he preferred that 
of the Ancients which shows us all the struggles, passions 
and capabilties of human life in its deepest essence; he 
deems ancient art and science the best sources of educa- 
tion, and it seems as if his own life evidenced! his inclin- 

60 



ation. toward the tragic, his career containing all the ele- 
ments of high tragedy. There we find unity, fraction 
and a subtle mysticism ; then Waterloo brought the dra- 
matic climax, while St.Helena gave the final denoue- 
ment The curtain falls and after the great tragedy 
there came a new sight entirely independent of the fore- 
going drama, recalling the touching story of Prometheus. 

Napoleon seemed to realize he was living a great 
drama, he felt he was performing his own tragedy; and 
at St.Helena he took pains to perpetuate this tragedy in 
the most proper way, everything he said and did having 
been done and said in order to furnish suitable material 
for perpetuating that very interesting period, of History. 
General Gourgaud was ordered to record every event; 
but later on Napoleon changed his mind and ordered the 
same Gourgaud to destroy the diaary, and satisfied himself 
that his order was carried out. But Gourgaud did not 
even think of destroying his diary, which was published 
in 1901 in book form, affording a true mirror of Napole- 
on's last years. 

At St.Helena another diary was kept by Count 
Las Cases and consisting principally of letters dictated by 
Napoleon himself, but whose value is somewhat impaired 
by flattery. To compare these two biographies, Gour- 
gaud, figuratively speaking, shows Napoleon in his green, 
somewhat shabby unifonm, a real live man of unusually 
remarkable abilities which may fairly be called genius^ 

61 



while Las Cases introduces to us an Emperor v^^earing 
all his insignia, bearing himself like a notable actor per- 
forming the role of Royalty. 

Napoleon himself always occupied his leisure 
moments with literary work. Chronologically his writ- 
ings should be divided into three classes: 1, The liter- 
ary attempts of his early years. 2, His political corres- 
pondence and his proclamations. 3, The letters dictated 
by him (to Las Cases) at St.Helena.- His literary style 
while adapting itself to the various changes of his cir- 
cumstances always retains its own character, namely a 
certain poimposity, always led by a marvelous fantasy 
whose control he does not escape even 'n writing the 
history of his own life. 

One evening while reading the annotations 
made by Gourgaud, he emphatically exclaimed, "What is 
the use of so much writing. There hardly could be 
found a more touching romance than my own life, after 
all". 

Indeed almost every person's life is a romance to 
himself although composed, written and directed by 
someone else, there being but very few people intelligent 
enough to plan their own life wisely. Victor Hugo, for 
instance, suffered from the fixed idea of getting, through 
his literary work, control over the whole of France. An- 
other great French writer, Balzac, v/as always dreaming 
of how he could carry out fantastic financial specula- 

62 




NAPOLEON BESTOWING THE CROSS OF THE LEGION 

OF HONOR UrON THE BRAVEST SOLDIER 

OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY, (T.lsilt. April '.H'.i ISOT). 

Musee tie X'ersailles. 



tions; and Stevenson was bent upon making a trip 
around the world. Amoung such men, of whom there 
are many, Napoleon seems to be the most successful, int 
a certain way being the author of his own romance, act- 
ing the role as composed by himself. His performance 
on the stage of human life certainly could not be called 
an entire success, a fact which shows however nothing but 
that a human being, though possessing such a splendid 
genius and marvelous fancy as Napoleon's, always re- 
mains soimething incomplete. 




NAPOLEON AND THE DEMOCRACY 




f, after the disastrous defeat at Waterloo, 
Napoleon had undertaken some desperate 
political achievement, such as turning from 
Emperor into a Revolutionist, the world 
would not have been surprised at all. And 
it is hard to tell what might have happened 
in such case as, in spite of his sudden downfall, his many 
and great mistakes, he still enjoyed a popularity suffici- 
ent to warrant his going into some enterprise to turn the 
whole of Europe upside-down. It is worth while to state 
that those who considered Napoleon a turbulent warrior 
are entirely wrong, and should bear in mind the fact, 
that the same Napoleon who in his earlier days shot into 
a heap hundreds of his fellow-countrymen without even 



64 



a quiver of an eyelash,- the same who gained his power 
at least in part, through the most bloody terrors, -as soon 
as he took possession of the French Imperial throne, be- 
came as anxious as possible to avoid the least political 
troubles. Knowing by experience how much depends on 
public sentiment, the slightest report of disquiet alarmed 
him. He always did all he could to calm the people and 
Chaplat, the celebrated French historiographer says, 
that Napoleon once did not hesitate to sacrifice forty mil- 
lions of francs in order to help the poor who were suffer- 
ing from the effect of an economical policy. Napoleon 
confesses in his diary taken up at St.Helena that his own 
experience restrained him from all adveturous political 
enterprise after his down-fall. 

"As often as I hear how easy it is to get abso- 
lute control of a people", says Madame Remusat in hes: 
'memoires', "so often I cannot help thinking of Napoleon. 
The Emperor was always anxious to avoid any rigid de- 
crees against the people and when urged by his minis- 
ters to severities he was always ready with his stereo- 
typed answer, 'Well, are you willing and able to bear all 
responsibilty? Do you not think the people might revolt 
against such rigid measures'," 

It is surprising that Napoleon, the very child of 
War, became alarmed at the least show of discontent. He 
was brought up in the midst of revolution which made 
a deep impression on him; therefore he always bore in 

65 



mind that the French Nation had had its full share of 
bloody experiences. 

"I am standing between the Revolution and the 
Nation", he used to say. "I have to fight by every means 
for the sound development of the common -wealth. There- 
fore I am entitled to reign as it pleases me. My son, 
however, will have to reign in a more liberal way". 

While at the Isle of Elba in recalling the past 
events he felt deeply grieved that he once (Vendemiaire) 
had shot so many of his countrymen into a heap, and he 
feared the French would never forgive him.- In fact, as 
soon as he could arrange to restore the social order he 
detested the Revolution with all its atrocities ; and it can 
positively be said he would never again have restored to 
Revolution even in order to save his pow^er. 

As discharged officer of the French Royal Army 
(after his second Corsican escapade) hanging around in 
Paris he had accidentally seen King Louis XVI speak- 
ing from the piazza of the Royal palace (Tuileries) to 
the excited mob, and he could never forget that satire of a 
King speaking to his people in such an unkindly, even 
unmanly way, the red cap of the Jacobins on his head. 
Napoleon, though once a Jacobin himself, undoubtedly 
would never have put on that red cap in order to flatter 
the excited mob, and he, in fact, preferred to lose every- 
thing rather than seek the mercy of the people he once 
had under his control. After Waterloo scores of French- 

66 



men used to wander to the Elysee Palace, where the de- 
throned Emperor then was, giving him many opportuni- 
ties of 'doing something'. , . In this connection, General 
Monitholon, one of his intimates' says: "Once two Regi- 
ments of Infantry and thousands of people came to the 
Elysee making a very enthusiastic demonstration. The 
Emperor wondered what they might v/ish of him. When 
I found out they had come in order to march under his 
coinlmand against the 'enemy' he said with a bitter smile 
I might let them know it would be a very bloody enter- 
prise to regain what he had lost and he does not wish it 
restored at such a high prize. — *If I would now take ad- 
vantage of the people's exitement', he said, 'Iprobably 
could regain my lost power, but it would cost many 
lives. And more over, who can tell if I should be able 
to keep control over the new situation thus formed? I 
1 refer to have my people's sincere sympathy, rather 
than to recapture my throne at the prize of their blood'."^ 
When returning from Elba Napoleon found an 
entirely changed situation. Talleyrand, his minister of 
foreign affairs, candidly warned that he could succeed 
only when assisted by a strong political party, and 
gave him the advice to organize first of all a new Parl- 
iament with a strong party of his own, one on which 
he could depend under all circumstances. Napoleon, 
wondering if there were left enough men out of his 
former followers to organize such a party, soon became 

67 



convinced Talleyrand's suggestion was but a dream. For 
instance, when he attempted to restore the French Empire 
and took the former title "Emperor of God's Grace" the 
Senate hastily answered with the proclamation of the 
sovereignty of the people, making him distinctly under- 
stand that he was made Emperor for the second time only 
by the sovereign people's will. — Once Napoleon would 
have immediately sent his soldiers to disband the Parl- 
iament, but now he did not show even the slightest dis- 
pleasure, becoming by this disrespectful behavior of the 
Parliament fully convinced the best he could do was not 
to interfere with politics. He had already made up his 
mind to resign rather than to let the French Nation 
plunge into new troubles. His opponents knew exactly 
how well they could be overcome by Napoleon, but felt 
that he was too much of a democrat as to restore his pow- 
er through autocratic enterprises. 

From the very first moment after his return 
from Elba, there was an evident disharmony between 
him and the Parliament, each jealously watching the 
other. Fouche, who owed his great political influence to 
Napoleon, openly opposed his former benefactor saying: 
"Just let him head our Army. After a few insignificant 
victories he will be down and out, and then comes our 
turn". 

There has been much comment as to the change 
in Napoleon's politics after his return from Elba. Every- 

68 



l)ody was puzzled that the self-willed Emperor, even 
after his down-fall, could maintain such moderation; 
and it took half a century to learn he was many times 
better than his enemies considered him. Even now 
there is not one earnest historian daring enough to doubt, 
that Napoleon after Waterloo could have done some- 
thing in his own behalf. At least he could have aroused 
the whole of France if he had cared to show the world 
that he had not lost his popularity. 

Beranger, the celebrated French poet says of 
Napoleon : "^'His fame and glory will last for a very long 
tjme and there will be much favorable comment as to his 
genius among the rich as well as among the poor. His 
pictures and the medals distributed by him will be kept 
as relics and still after half a century he will be praised 
all over the world". 

This half century, as foretold by Beranger, will 
Boon return for the second time, and the more we learn 
of Napoleon, the more we agree with Beranger who 
said, "Napoleon deserves to bear the highest title, that 
of THE MAN ('L'HOMME')." 




THE TWO EXILES 




apoleon's two deportations being general- 
ly well known, as an introduction to this 
|i chapter might be quoted the following 
sentence: "If it were possible we would 
like to disregard the whole of this literat- 
r(^^*4 ure which must make every Englishman 
feel very uncomfartable". 

This remarkable setence concerning the many 
writings about Napoleon's exiles was uttered by Lord 
Rosebery, the former Premier of Great-Britain, in the 
fourth chapter ('The deportation') of his exellent histor- 
ical work entitled "NAPOLEON-THE LAST PHASE.'* 
Another of his sentences reads as follows: "V/e 
Englishmen can but deeply regret that our Govemmfcnt 



70 



cf those days took charge of Napoleon's imprisonment ; - 
moreover, we 'must feel ashamed that this deUcate and 
hard task was carried out by such unable persons and 
in such an ungentlemanly way. While the French may 
be touched by deep grief and sympathy when recalling St. 
Helena, we cannot help blushing at the same time". 

Napoleon could hardly have expected such 
splendid amends from an Englishman. And Lord Rcse- 
lery, a genuine Xiterary Gentleman', became through 
the above mentioned book an authority on Napoleonic 
literature, not because he was a Lord, but because he 
wrote his book exclusively in order to clear up a score 
of historical misimderstandings,. mistakes and also mis- 
representations. 

While thinking over those two sentences of 
Lrord Rosebery, there will be found two questions wait- 
ing for adequate answer, 

FIRST, was _^there any serious political reason 
on the part of Europe for avoiding Napoleon's return to 
politics, and for even erasing his name from the pages 
of History? — and 

SECOND, why did Great-Britain take charge 
of the dethroned Emperor's custody? 

The first question was answered by the united 
European Powers (Coalition) with a loud and positive 
*'YES!", for the nervous-system of Europe was worn 

71 



out by the many warlike enterprises. The main condit- 
ion for securing international peace at least for a while 
was to set Napoleon aside. — If Napoleon could have 
had his own way, he would undoubtedly have caused 
great trouble, even serious dangers, in spite of his ruined 
prestige, in spite of his weakened energy and even in 
spite of the somewhat cooled enthusiasm of the French; 
for his personality was such as to make him able to win 
in a moment the sympathy of all, and if one has the 
sympathy he can gain also important influence, if one is 
Napoleon. The peaceful development of Europe could 
be secured only by restraining Napoleon, and on the 
other hand he could be made inactive only through being 
taken into custody. Nowadays everybody considers it 
a fact that Napoleon after his second down-fall did not 
anticipate entering politics; this however, was not found 
cut for years, and thus his confinement was reasonable. 

The second question can be frankly answered: 
"Great-Britain being the head of the said Coalition it 
was but natural it took charge of Napoleon's custody". 

So far this matter may be considered' all right', 
but it becomes entirely wrong because of the manner 
in which it was carried out. 

Lord Rosebery quotes from a prominent British 
politician of those days. Lord Liverpool, the Premier, 
who said in a letter to Lord Castelreagh, the Foreign 
Minister: "The easiest solution of that delicate question 
would be for the French King to have Bonaparae hanged 

72 



or shot", — and in a letter to Eldon, another Minister, 
"Bonaparte has his choice of either becoming a subject 
of King Louis XVIII or being declared outlawed". — 
Liverpool in fact had a hard task in making his choice 
between surrendering Napoleon to Louis XVIII as a 
'rebel', or removing him far from the political play- 
ground. — A little later on becoming doubtful as to the 
ability of Louis XVIII to get through with Napoleon, 
Liverpool says to the same Castelreagh: *'In case the 
King of France should be unable to gain control over 
Bonaparte, we shall be bound to take him under our 
custody". 

Sir Walter Scott, the celebrated Scotch author^ 
claims that in 1816 among the English there was a 
considerable party in favor of surrendering Napoleon 
to the French Government, referring to which sentiment 
Lord Roscbery says: "Fortunately we were spared the 
blemish of having had Napoleon shot like General Ney". 

The first deportation of Napoleon, to the Isle 
of Elba, cost the British Government the 'trifle' of eight- 
hundred -thousands of pounds, which perhaps nobody 
would believe if it was not the trustworthy Lord Rose- 
bery's statement. And the British Government, in spite 
of that heavy expenditure practically wasted, did not 
hestitate to anew the risk of Napoleon's second and final 
deportation. 

As for Napoleon himself, up to the very last min- 

7a 



ute he did not believe in the rumor of his final deport- 
ation, and he never even thought of St. Helena, He was 
quite confident the British Government would permit 
him to live the life of a retired Country Gentleman', 
and for his disguise had already chosen the name of his 
best friend, Colonel Murion, who at the battle of Arcole 
saved him with the risk of his own life. But the Brit- 
ish Government as well as all the other Powers realized 
the fact that however good a disguise Bonaparte might 
select, and however much he might ive like an hermit, he 
would remain in the public eye NAPOLEON, a name 
which in those days meant great danger for the Coalition. 
His most striking individuality, his fascinating person- 
ality and his splendid intelligence, (they did not like to 
talk bout his genius), caused the danger of his return 
to politics. Thus the British Government undoubtedly 
was bound to be very careful, the more especially as their 
people, though somewhat encouraged by the recently 
won victory over France, were not at all contented. 
"You know just as well as anybody else that in case 
he (Bonaparte) should be allowed to stay in England, 
he would at once become the centre of curiousity, even 
sympathy", — says Liverpool to Castelreagh, thus show- 
ing he knew very well what he was talking about. 

When Napoleon went on board the British 
battleship 'Undaunted*, thousands of people gathered at 
the harbor anxious to witness his leave; and before the 

74 



ship weighed anchor, the officers of its crew were unani- 
mous in their opinion : "If the British nation knew 
this man (Bonaparte) as well as we do, despite of his 
ill fame he would not have been allowed to suffer the 
least harm". — When Napoleon left the said battleship 
for Elba, the boatman addressing him in behalf of all 
of his comrades said : "May you enjoy a long and happy 

life on that Island and for the next time better 

luck". Captain Senhouse, one of the officers, said that 
the first interview with Napoleon made not only him 
but even Admiral Hotham as well change their opinion 
about the 'General', Another officer of the British Navy 
cf those days. Admiral Keith, frankly said : "If Bonaparte 
were given an opportunity to meet Prince- Regent George 
they would have become intimate friends within half 
an hour". 

Thus there was no doubt that Napoleon must 
be kept out of politics. The Powers would not let him 
go to America for he might have found many oport- 
unities for adventurous political achievements; and so 
they finally agreed by sending him to St. Helena. There 
was already at the Vienna Congress much comment about 
Napoleon's banishment to that vast rock, and on this 
occasion Lord Wellington could not praise highly enough 
all the advantages of St. Helena, calling it the very 
Paradise of the globe. After a very short stay at St. 
Helena he probably would have changed his mind^ es« 

75 



pecially as to its 'marvelously wholsome' climate. 

Now, provided, there were serious political 
reasons for Napoleon's exile to St. Helena, this does not 
excuse at all the way in which this action o£ the Powers 
v/as carried out. 

Napoleon, from the very instant the Powers 
had decided as to his future, had to suffer very many 
slights. In the first place, Savary and Lallemand, two 
of his most intimate friends, were sent to the Isle of 
Malta, and he was thus deprived of the comfort he ex- 
pected from the company oi those men. He himself was 
delivered to Admiral Cockburn who was seemingly 
much pleased to be put in charge of 'General Bonaparte', 
Strict instructions were given to treat the prisioner ex- 
actly like a retired General; but Cockburn always did 
his best to make Napoleon feel his new condition. On 
board the battleship 'Northumberland' which was to 
convey Napoleon to St. Helena, they gave him a cabin of 
twelve by nine feet and did not allow him even to use 
the empty room next to his cabin for a library. He was 
actually tortured by the most unkind pusillanimities and 
mistreated, and as Lord Rosebery says, those in 
charge of him were too zealous in carrying out their 
somewhat too severe instructions. It is surprising that 
this most impartial biographer of Napoleon did not 
blame the British Government for such undignified mis- 
treatment of its prisoner. When for instance Napoleon 

76 



appeared on deck, the men of the crew did not pay him 
as much attention as they must have given a 'half-pay 
officer' of their own staff. 

On board the 'Northumberland' the officers 
used to tipple after dinner; Napoleon found this very 
annoying, and always left immediately after the meals 
were over. Admiral Cockburn was offended at such an 
'impoliteness' and tried several times to persuade the 
'General' to join in their convivialities; and when failing 
in such attempts he could not help scolding his prisoner^, 
saying he should think the 'General' had never read 
Chesterfield's book ('Guide of good manners'). Napo- 
leon calmly answered that he should think exactly the 
same of the Admiral, for if he read the said book hC' 
ought to know that Chesterfield calls it a bad habit ta 
sit at the table for hours. 

In order to get better acquainted with Admiral 
Cockburn, let us glance into his diary for a revelation 
of himself and. of his comprehension of his task. — "It 
seems to me", he says, "the General still has some in- 
clination of playing the role of Emperor, but I will never 
allow him to act as he pleases". — In another place he 
says : "To-day I did not care much for the General. He 
is in an apparently bad humor so I will purposely avoid 
meeting him". — Those two little things show what a 
'Gentleman' he was. 

Lord Rosebery tells us what the dethroned 

77 



Emperor said about his deportation : "I do not mind being 
considered a political prisoner. Moreover, I would not 
even mind wearing hand-cuffs; but I think I deserve to 
be treated in a gentlemanly way". 

Cockburn did not miss the slightest opportun- 
ity of making Napoleon feel his subordinate condition. 
On the Emperor's birthday Cockburn was 'kind enough' 
to drink his prisoner's health, proudly noting in his diary : 
"The General seemingly appreciated my courtesy", — 
Well, Napoleon smiled when the Admiral drank his 
health, and while Cockburn thought this a sign of ap- 
preciation, the Emperor simply thought, 'This man may 
do whatever he pleases. His impoliteness can bring me 
no harm', and so he simply smiled. 

Cockburn later on confesses the 'General' show- 
ed much more patience than those around him. 

Lord Rosebery gives many reasons to justify 
any dissatisfaction Napoleon may have felt with the way 
he was treated on board the 'Northumberland': this 
battleship was only at the last moment taken into con- 
sideration as a possible conveyance to St. Helena, just 
after it had come back from the Indies. Napoleon, who 
by special order of the British Government was to be 
treated as a retired General, was in lack of every comfort. 
Rosebery states that the drinking water on board seemed 
to have been brought along from the Indies being "of an 
i\nspeakable color and taste". 

78 



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Despite very ill treatment and sad prospects, 
Napoleon and his retinue must have been extremely 
patient; otherwise Cockburn would have not failed to 
criticize them in his diary. 

After a journey of over three months the 'Nort- 
humberland' hove anchor at St. Helena, Cockburn being; 
appointed Governor of that Isle. He held this positioit 
imtil 1816, when he was dismissed on charge of being too 
severe. The new Governor of St. Helena^ Sir Hudson 
Lowe should not be ignored; and it is worth while to- 
give a brief review of his career. Hudson Lowe grew 
famous, or rather notorious as Napoleon's custodian. In 
his past he had incurred some disrepute by surrendering 
the Isle of Capri without reason ; and was fortunately in- 
deed that his Government forgot this carelessness. — 
On the fourth of April 1814 he was the first to bring to' 
London the news of Napoleon's abdication and from 
that very moment he seemed to be connected with Napo- 
leon's ill fate. He was anxious to become Governor of 
St. Helena, but had to wait a little while for that position. 
Finally he got it enjoying a salary of 'but' twelve thous- 
and pounds. — Lady Granville in her memoires calls 
Hudson Lowe a 'ghost'. And Rosebery says the British 
Government made a deplorable mistake in selecting 
"that entirely incompetent being" for such a delicate 
task. There are some, who would like to justify Hudson 
Lowe, claiming he could not help being unkind to Napo- 

7a 



leon as he had to suffer so much of his prisoner's anti- 
pathy. Instead of arguing against Hudson Lowe or 
taking the part of Napoleon, it should suffice to state just 
cne particular and an insignificant one too, that every- 
body may have opportunity to reach an independent con- 
clusion. 

It is an historical fact that Napoleon while Emp- 
eror, did not care anything about his meals. At St. 
Helena he was bound to keep himself busy with things he 
never cared for before, and no wonder it became one of 
his innocent pastimes to arrange the bill of fare. Hudson 
Lowe taking notice of this 'disorderly conduct' did not 
miss even one opportunity to spoil his prisoner's pleasure ; 
and as soon as he found out that the Emperor was very 
fond of potatonsalad, he immediately made arrangements 
to supply the kitchen of Longwood but with rotten pota- 
toes. 

There could be told a score of Hudson Lowe's 
ungentlemanly deeds, but instead of recalling them we 
should be satisfied to learn that the 'gaoler of Napoleon' 
got just what he deserved. After Napoleon's death he 
was discharged with a very small pension, instead of 
making a 'marvelous career', as he anticipated at his 
prisoner's expense. 



NAPOLEON'S DEATH 




|here have been circulated many phantastic 
stories concerning Naoleon's death. In 
order to get a clear view ol that undoubt- 
edly very important historical event we 
ought to follow the accounts as given by 
Lord Rosebery, Las-Cases ('Memoires'), 
General Bertrand ('Memoires') and Doctor Antom- 
marchi ('Lesdemier m,oments de Napoleon'), every one 
of them being men of best repute and also impartial his- 
toriographers ,led only by a sincere desire for historical 
truth. 

Not to recall all the well known particulars of 
that drama, we should be satisfied with a short but hither- 
to unknown review of the dethroned French Majesty's 
last hours. 



81 



"I know I am suffering from shrinking of the 
liver"^ Napoleon used to say to his friends, and some- 
times he added the remark that the climate of St. Helena 
aggravated his disease. Finally he ceased to make 
mention of this and often remarked: "On this desolate 
rock I am bound to expiate all the glory I have shed 
over France, and must do penance for the heavy losses 
I have caused England". 

It is beyond any doubt that his disease became 
incurable because of the poor, and even dangerous clim- 
ate. The Government of St. Helena did all in his power 
to make his exile hard. His first physician, Doctor 
O'Meara, was called away only because he was a Corsi- 
can by birth and 'took too much care' of the prisoner, and 
Napoleon, then already an incurably sick man was left 
without any medical attendance for an entire year. 
Later, owing to this negligence, there was no hope for 
his recovery. About the end of 1819 Doctor Francesco 
Antommarchi, a well known physician of Florence, per- 
suaded by Cardinal Fesch, Napoleon's uncle, got permis- 
sion to take charge of the Emperor, bringing along two 
priests,Fathers Vignali and Buonavita, all three of these 
men being of Corsican birth. They were Napoleon's only 
comfort and no wonder he made them his intimate friends. 

"On the eighteenth of September (1819)", says 
Antommarchi, "we got the first sight of St.Helena and 
were anxious to cast anchor. There were some officer's; 

82 



cf Governor Hudson Lowe's staff waiting for us and they 
told us we could not see the Governor till the next day. 
Our first question was about Napoleon's health. One 
of the officers gaily answered, "The General is enjoying 
good health. He is feeling just as well as any one of us." 

Then Antommarchi complains that they had to 
undergo an investigation like common prisoners, and 
Captain Reade took away all their papers, even looking 
into their pocket-books before they were allowed to enter 
Longwood. Antommarchi says he recognized at the 
first glance the poor condition of his patient and did all 
he could for his improvelment. Months passed without 
the slightest improvement and Antommarchi became 
convinced that something must be done. He knew 
Napoleon would rather die than accept the least favor of 
Hudson Lowe, and he needed all his diplomacy to get 
the Emperor's permission to call on the Governor. 

"The Governor", he says, "received me in pre- 
sence of his aid-at-arms. Captain Gorrequer. I tried to 
convince him my patient must be allowed more indul- 
gence and better food. I also frankly told him I hardly 
dared bear the responsibility for the present conditions, 
for I was quite sure the climate was most injurious".- 
,Do you think so?', the Governor answered ironically. 
'I am positive General Bonaparte is doing nicely ; and as to 
the climate I really could not think of any beter than 

83 



ours'. -"I should certainly believe this was the very rea- 
son why he was sent here', I answered. — "Undoubtledly', 
the Governor replied. — "Why, certainly", I said and left 
his room hurriedly, being somewhat afriad of losing my 
self-control, — The Governor had the fixed idea that 
Napoleon's sickness was but a pretext to prepare his 
escape, and influenced by this delusion he went so far as 
to keep Longwood always surrounded by patrols". 

Antoanmarchi thought in the St. Helena hospi- 
tal he might find a case similar to his patient's, and so he 
wrote the Governor a letter asking his permission to visit 
the hospital. - "This morning (October, 19 1819) ", he 
says, "the Governor's valet brought me the answer. I 
was allowed to visit the hospital on the condition of being 
accompanied by one of his officers. I believe he was 
afraid I might persuade the sick to proclaim war against 
England". 

Hudson Lowe did not like Antommarchi, and 
was alarmed by the presence of the two Corsican priests. 

To quote again Antomonarchi : "The Governor 
could not sleep. He lost his appetite when learning 
his soldiers always greeted the priests wherever they 
met them. He probably thought those priests might 
persuade the soldiers to some dangerous undertaking 
and always kept a watchful eye on them". 

O'Meara, the former physician in charge of 
Napoleon, who was forced to leave St.Helena, did not 

84 



«»ff^^€';yf^% ' 



^ 




The Hon. Rev. 
VICTOR von KUBINYI 

de Felseo - Kubin et Demenfalva 
Knight of the Sovereign Order of Malta 



:*f": .:ia.:W';pr^S9 



-forget his patient, and on Juiy 20^ 1820, as he thought he 
might be able to be of some help, he asked Lord Bathurst, 
the British Foreign Minister, for permission to go to 
St.Helena on his responsibility; but he received no an- 
swer. The same day Antommarchi sent a letter to his 
friend. Doctor Colonna, asking him to inform the Em- 
peror's relatives that there was no longer any hope. Six 
weeks after these two letters were written, at the very 
time when in Spain and Naples the revolution broke out, 
began a rapid and continuous decline. 

One day Napoleon passed a little while out of 
dors among his 'greens', and Lowe became almost fran- 
tic unpon learning of this simple outing. In fact the 
Governor got up every morning with the fearful thought 
of what would happen in case his prisoner should escape 
to Italy. 

"I believe", Antommarchi says, "the Governor 
became sick himself because of this constant anxiety. 
The Emperor was doomed and he knew himself there 
was no hope. When getting the sad news of Eliza, his 
pet sister's death, he calmly said: *It is now my turn 
to go'." 





|he year 1821 brought a sad outlook. Na- 
poleon's condition grew worse ; and when 
in February he saw the comet about 
which there was so much talk he said to 
Antommarchi: "Previous to Julius Cae- 
sar's death there appeared a comet too". 
On the 17th of March the crisis had come. The 
Emperor calmly told his friends he was going to die ; and 
after four weeks of severe pain, on the 15th of April, he 
made his will. On the 20th he made his confession and 
on the 3rd of May he called into his room all his friends 
in order to bid them 'good bye' for ever. 

And then? 

Well, then, on the 4th of May came a fearful 
storm which laid waste the whole Island of St.Helena, 
pulling up Napoleon's favorite trees under whose shadow 
be so often used to recall his glorious past;and the next 
day, May 5, 1821, at have past five *n the evening, Napo- 



86 



leon spoke for the last time. 

"Forward, Soldiers"!, — was all he said. 

Twenty minutes later there was left but a cold 
body. 

While Napoleon's friends were overcome by 
their sincere grief, the Governor's staff entered the room. 
One of the officers uncovered the dead Emperor and 
touching his body, announced his death. 

The next day Doctor Antommarchi performed 
the autopsy in the presence of the officers and surgeons 
of the garrison; and we learn from Lord Rosebery that 
the English physicians were directed by the Governor 
to write a statement that Napoleon died from inherited 
cancer. 

The dead man was clad in his uniform of French 
chasseure, adorned with the cross of the Legion of Honor, 
and covered with the gray mantle he wore at the battle 
of Marengo. He was on the bier for two days, and on 
the 18th of May was laid in a threefold coffin. After 
all arrangments were made, Hudson Lowe came to pay 
liis 'last visit'. 

"Gentlemen", he said, "the General was the bit- 
terest enemy of England and of myself, but I am willing 
to forgive him. Everybody must feel grieved at the 
death of such a great man. His death certainly will 
sadden you, the more as there was hope for restoring 

87 



?iis freedom within a short time. Now, all is over, and 
to-morrow we will give him a proper burial." 

In these words, he proved himself anxious to 
show his 'power' until the very last minute. Also when 
he noticed that the temporary epitaph written by the 
Emperor's friends bore simply the name 'Napoleon', 
thus: "Napoleon, born Ajaccio, August 15th 1769, died 
St. Helena, May 5th 1821", — he hurriedly gave the 
order to add the name 'Bonaparte'. 




1 



^n the 9th of May 1821 twelve cannon- 
shots told the ocean that the former rul- 
er of Europe was laid to rest. — After- 
wards, as is well known his body was 
brought back to Paris, in accordance 
with his last will in which he said: "L 

want to rest on the bank of the Seine, amidst my dear 

French, whom I loved so much". 





IHIwSlllliSir ^°'^^"^^^' 

019 592 69l"fi 



